In the modern history of Bangladesh, the education sector has seldom faced a crisis as prolonged and multidimensional as the one witnessed in recent years. Two forces have shaped this turbulence: the global outbreak of COVID-19 and the subsequent administrative instability under the leadership of Muhammad Yunus.
The pandemic was an unavoidable global disaster. The governance challenges that followed, however, were rooted in policy decisions, administrative inaction and, according to critics, a tolerance of disorder. The central question, therefore, is not merely emotional or political — it is analytical: which factor inflicted the deeper and more lasting damage on the nation’s education system?
Table of Contents
The Pandemic Years: A Visible Shock
During the peak of COVID-19, educational institutions in Bangladesh remained closed for nearly two years. Approximately 37 million students were forced out of classrooms. Authorities attempted to cushion the blow through online platforms such as Zoom and televised lessons. Yet inadequate internet access, limited technological infrastructure and low digital literacy severely restricted the effectiveness of these initiatives.
Post-pandemic data revealed significant learning loss and dropout rates. Nearly 59 per cent of male students reportedly did not return to school regularly after reopening, while female dropout rates stood at around 20 per cent. Economic hardship during the crisis led to a rise in child labour and early marriage, further complicating the recovery process.
A summary of pandemic-related impacts is presented below:
| Indicator | Estimated Impact |
|---|---|
| Duration of school closures | প্রায় ২ years |
| Students affected | ~37 million |
| Irregular return of male students | ~59% |
| Female dropout rate | ~20% |
| Social consequences | Increase in child labour & early marriage |
However, it is crucial to recognise that this disruption was global in nature. Both developed and developing countries endured similar setbacks. By early 2024, Bangladesh had begun restoring full examinations and regular academic assessments. Classroom attendance gradually improved, and efforts to recover lost learning were underway. The damage was serious but measurable, and corrective measures were possible.
Administrative Instability and Structural Concerns
Critics argue that the post-2024 period introduced a different kind of crisis — one not defined by health emergency but by institutional instability. Following the change in political leadership, reports emerged of growing unrest across educational institutions. Incidents described as “mob culture” became increasingly common, with allegations of teachers and administrators facing intimidation, public humiliation and forced resignations.
These issues were not limited to public institutions. MPO-listed and private establishments reportedly experienced similar challenges. Observers pointed to what they perceived as insufficient administrative intervention to restore order. The absence of firm action, they argue, allowed instability to deepen.
The consequences extended beyond temporary disruption. Many educators reportedly worked under psychological pressure and uncertainty. School management committees and administrators became reluctant to enforce discipline decisively. Academic activities were frequently interrupted by protests, reducing instructional time and weakening students’ engagement.
Education depends not only on curriculum and examinations but also on stability, respect for authority and a culture of discipline. When these foundational elements weaken, rebuilding them becomes considerably more complex than compensating for missed lessons.
Leadership and Responsibility
As an internationally recognised academic and Nobel laureate, Professor Muhammad Yunus was widely expected to prioritise educational stability. Critics contend that he possessed both the moral authority and public influence to encourage students to return to regular study and to reinforce academic discipline. They argue that stronger public messaging and clearer administrative directives could have helped restore confidence within the sector.
While pandemic-related losses were visible and could be addressed through remedial programmes, curriculum adjustments and extended academic calendars, the erosion of institutional respect and administrative authority may have longer-term consequences that are harder to quantify.
Renewed Expectations Under New Leadership
After nearly two years of reported instability, a newly elected government has assumed office. The Ministry of Education is now led by Abu Naser Muhammad Ehsanul Haq Milon, whose previous tenure from 2001 to 2006 included several reform initiatives. His appointment has generated cautious optimism within educational circles.
The immediate priorities are clear: restoring discipline in educational institutions, ensuring the safety and dignity of teachers, stabilising academic calendars and rebuilding public trust. Educational institutions must once again function as centres of learning rather than arenas of political confrontation.
Whether history ultimately attributes the most profound damage to the unavoidable shock of the pandemic or to subsequent administrative shortcomings remains a matter of debate. What is certain, however, is that rebuilding the integrity, stability and credibility of Bangladesh’s education system is now an urgent national responsibility.